Month: December 2016
Various Member States, Italy in primis, will have to revise their legislation about conditions and duration of obligations upon ISPs and telecoms to keep record of Internet traffic and telephony conversations. The telecom industry will seek opportunities to diminish such obligations, which normally require huge capex investments in data retention equipments and exhausting communications with public prosecutors. Finally, civil rights organizations will attack in courts existing data retention legislations on the assumption that they are in contrast with the European jurisprudence. All this will happen in a scenario where national governments tend, in contrast with the above, to reinforce internal surveillance for antiterrorism- reasons, rather than relaxing the public security regime.
The above are the main effects of today’s CJEU ruling on a joint-case concerning the legitimacy of data retention laws in EU Member States.
This court decision follows the previous 2014 ruling about the annulment of the European Data Retention Directive. In that case, the CJEU just pointed out the relation between fundamental rights, data protection and retention of personal data by ISP and telecom operators, with the final result that the directive was annulled. The same principles are now applied directly in the context of national legislations on data retention, without major changes.
To tell the true, following the 2014 ruling most of European countries started a review of respective legislations in the matter of data retention, however with the prevailing result to keep alive the existing legislations (save for some minor adaptations). In some countries, however, the local constitutional courts rendered rulings annulling their data retention legislation. Few countries remained completely inactive, amongst them Italy. Today’s ruling will make even more difficult this wait and see strategy.
The main conclusions of todays’ ruling are:
· Member States may not impose a general obligation to retain data on providers of electronic communication services
· Data retention is admissible under EU law only in instances where it is targeted, limited to what is strictly necessary, and subject to conditions (e.g. prior review by an independent authority, localization of data, etc).
The reasoning of the CJEU is streamlined hereinbelow:
· EU law precludes national legislation prescribing general and indiscriminate retention of data.
· Data retention constitute a serious interference with citizens fundamental rights and as such can only be utilised in the fight against serious crime.
· Legislation prescribing a general and indiscriminate retention of data does not require there to be any relationship between the data which must be retained and a threat to public security.
· Such national legislation therefore exceeds the limits of what is strictly necessary and cannot be considered to be justified within a democratic society, as required by the directive, read in the light of the Charter.
· The EU acquis does not however preclude national data retention laws, provided that the retention of data is: (i) Limited to what is strictly necessary (in terms of categories of data retained, persons targeted, retention period, etc); (ii) Defined in clear and precise national legislation; (iii) Constrained by meaningful procedural safeguards; (iv) Based on objective evidence.
· Concerning access to data, Member States must introduce objective criteria in order to define the circumstances and conditions under which the competent national authorities are to be granted access to the data.
· It is essential that access to retained data should, except in cases of urgency, be subject to prior review carried out by a court or an independent authority.
· National data retention legislation must make provision for that data to be retained within the EU owing to its sensitivity.
The resignation of Matteo Renzi following the defeat at the Constitutional Referendum of December 4th, 2016, creates the question as how Italy will ever fill the gap with other developed nations in the matter of digital services and ultra-broadband networks.
Whether you like him or not, there is no doubt that Matteo Renzi has been the first Italian premier showing a concrete interest vis-à-vis Internet and digital infrastructures, putting them at the core of the governmental policy. Before him, Italian governments have been merely dealing with television and broadcasting regulation, while the development of the digital sector was never a priority. The only serious concern of previous governments in the area of telecoms was the ownership of Telecom Italia, whether the company will become a subsidiary of whom. But no Italian premier ever took action or made pressure to force Telecom Italia to invest in high-speed networks. As a result, the traditional Italian telephony company has been relying, longer than other European incumbents, on the old-fashioned and depreciated copper telephony network rather than installing new fibers networks in massive way. No need for that.
With Matteo Renzi, the situation changed dramatically. It might be for a matter of age or personal experiences, the former mayor of Florence never liked very much Telecom Italia and its bills. Renzi launched an ambitious ultra-broadband plan to fill the gap in the vaste provincial and rural areas of Italy (the European Commission cleared the plan last June). Telecom Italia was offered to benefit of that plan and also to buy Metroweb, a company (controlled by Cassa Depositi e Prestiti) installing and offering ultra-broadband networks in big Italian cities. However, government and Telecom Italia did not find a common agreement on important conditions: while Renzi was aiming at strongly modernizing and re-shaping the Italian telecom market, Telecom Italia preferred to keep alive the copper network as much as possible and did not want to hear about structural separation of its network (a possible outcome when combining its network assets with Metroweb). Telecom Italia was probably thinking to be winning at the very end, thanks to the traditional instability and weakness of Italian governments, but it was wrong.
The stallo situation was “sparigliata” (broken) by the entry into the market of Enel, the Italian energy utility which launched a plan for ultra-broadband investments and offered to buy Metroweb. In the meanwhile, the Italian government granted a State-owned company, Infratel, the task to install ultra-broadband networks in rural areas. The emergence of new network operators changed dramatically the landscape: Telecom Italia ended up with “melina” and started to seriously invest in fibers.
Beside that, Renzi’s governments has been strongly intervening in the digital sector with various legislations in the matter of net neutrality, online platforms, sharing economy; they finally appointed as Digitalist Chief Diego Piacentini, a seconded senior executive of Amazon, to coordinate and make progress the digital agenda in Italy. The choice of Matteo Renzi’s about Diego Piacentini was challenged by someone because of potential conflicts of interests: nevertheless, no one could object the professional level of the Chief Digitalis and the need to coordinate the various Italian agencies competent for digital.
One would wonder whether the above was just a transitory acceleration and now Italy will fall back into traditional inertia. The main winner of the Constitutional Referendum, the 5-Stars Movement, has been traditionally relying on the Internet rather then other medias. However, despite some individual positions, it is not clear whether this political party has a concrete and coherent industrial policy for ultra-broadband and the digital sector in general. Irrespective whether they will become a force of government, the 5-Stars Movement and its leader, the comedian Beppe Grillo, should start to think about and say something to the people.